Saturday, August 6, 2016

Who Wrote the Book of . . . 1 Peter?



Who Wrote the Book of . . . 1 Peter?
Posted by Clark Bates
August, 6, 2016



      Having discussed the contested books of Paul and the authorship of the gospels, this series on New Testament authorship will now turn toward the writings of Peter. It may or may not surprise some readers to hear that both epistles that bear the apostle Peter's name are highly questioned, and in many cases, considered pseudonymous. This belief has arisen from the school of source criticism that gained prominence in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, but recent scholarship has begun to demonstrate the inability of these conclusion to truly account for the authorship of the Petrine epistles.


      It has been the format of this series to present the case against traditional authorship, followed by a parallel case for it. I have decided that for this article and perhaps the next, the format will be more amalgamated in which each objection to traditional authorship will be challenged immediately. We will then conclude with a brief summary and discussion on additional evidence for the Petrine authorship of this epistle.

Who wrote 1 Peter?

      This question is, of course, the heart of the entire article, but given that 1 Peter begins with a salutation attributed to the apostle himself (1:1) it becomes glaringly important. The nature of pseudonymity has been discussed in earlier articles on Paul and will not be regurgitated here, but it has become a prevalent opinion with many modern scholars to accept authorship of this epistle by a Petrine group in Rome between AD 75 and 95, seeking to accurately represent the apostle's thoughts.1 For those that embrace a late dating to the book, the existence of such a group would be inevitable from a sociological standpoint, but even if this were a sociological inevitability, it does not explain why such a group would write in such a way.


      By way of example, both in the letter's opening and close, references are made to Mark and Silvanus (1:1; 5:12-13). Are these to be understood as pseudonymous fiction? If this epistle were carried by Silvanus, as has been suggested, how was he to represent the letter to its recipients, knowing it was a forgery? Even if we are to accept that the Gospel according to Mark is Peter's testimony, the author of the gospel does not presume to write it in the apostle's name. Perhaps more importantly, while a Petrine group of faithful followers might present an attractive alternative, there is no extant evidence from the first century that such a group ever existed.

Major Challenges to Traditional Authorship


      Almost all modern challenges to apostolic authorship can be contained within 4 categories: 1. The Greek of the epistle is to advanced for the apostle Peter; 2. The content of the book reflects a church structure and social environment that corresponds to a time decades after the apostle's lifetime; 3. The epistle reflects a dependence on the deutero-Pauline letters (those letters contested as pseudonymous in their own right) making its dating to be after them and thus beyond Peter's lifetime; and 4. Christianity could not have reached the remote areas of Asia Minor spoken of in the letter and become a target of major persecution until a decade after Peter had died.

      Taking each of these objections in turn, it must be acknowledged that the Greek of 1 Peter does appear to be of a higher quality than one would expect from a fisherman-turned-apostle. Most who support the earlier dating of this authorship will at least propose the use of a considerably more skilled Greek amanuensis. That being said, quality of language can be, to some extent, subjective. The letter is argued to have such features as, “polished Attic style, Classical vocabulary . . . and rhetorical quality. . . mak[ing] it one of the more refined writings in the NT.”2 But the question persists as to whether such language and style require an author formally trained in Greek, and whether or not the apostle Peter could have attained such skill in his lifetime.

     
      It has recently been noted that, within the syntax of the epistle, 1 Peter exhibits a clearly bilingual interference, consistent with a Semitic author for whom Greek is a second language.3 “This is perhaps the most telling feature of the Greek in 1 Peter, for a letter's syntax flows almost subconsciously from an author's proficiency with the language. . .”4 When the syntax of 1 Peter is paralleled with that of another Semitic author like Josephus we find that rather than demonstrating refined Greek understanding, the author was deficient to Josephus in multiple areas, including use of prepositions, genitive personal pronouns and the dative case with the preposition en. What this demonstrates is that the author of the epistle was likely of Semitic origin (thus limited to the area of Palestine) in the first century. He would not have been a Greek or Latin speaking Roman or from Asia Minor, making the pseudonymous authorship by a Petrine group less likely.

      The second argument against apostolic authorship is based on the addressed persecution and church structure of 1 Peter. Three emperors of note instituted Christian persecution in the Roman empire during the first century: Nero (54-68), Domitian (81-96), and Trajan (98-117). The nature of persecution in the book is far too vague to be used as a method of dating however. When examining the letter itself, the persecution listed appears to be limited to malicious talk, verbal slander, and false accusations (1:6; 2:12, 15: 3:9, 16; 4:12, 16). This form of persecution need not necessarily point to the level of martyrdom seen under the emperors mentioned and could easily refer to a time period prior to the escalation of government sanctioned and enforced persecution.


      The historian Pliny the Younger wrote approximately 60 letters tot he emperor Trajan over a three year period in AD 90, some of which concerned the persistent problem of Christianity. In these letters he recounted Christians abdicating their faith twenty years prior.5 If what is written in 1 Peter regards a less dire situation than that of Pliny then it must be written more than twenty years prior. Much of the debate around the persecutions centers on the “fiery ordeal” of 1 Peter 4:12. Those who claim t a late dating see this as a reference to Nero who used Christians as living torches to light the streets of Rome at night, but recent scholarship suggests this is more likely am acknowledgment to the philosopher Seneca, a contemporary of Peter, who wrote, “Fire tests gold, affliction tests strong men.”6 The image of trials as a testing analogous to fire smelting gold is characteristic of the epistle (1:7, 18; 4:12). Peter describes the trial as worldwide (5:9), which suggests a persecution faced by all Christians, not one executed by Roman officials in one place.


      This type of persecution was common in the early church.7 Most who hold to a pseudonymous authorship maintain that the letter was written after AD 70 but prior to the reign of Domitian. This is based on 1 Peter 4:15-16 which suggests that Christians were being arrested simply for being Christians, as though it were akin to a common thief, something argued to be impossible prior to Nero.8

      Regarding the church structure, it is stated that the use of the term episkopountes (overseeing) in 5:2 refers to the monarchical bishop of the second century. Given the history of this term, the above challenge is more of a case of reading a second century reality backward into the text. As far back as the book of Acts, the apostle Paul uses presbyteroi (elders) and episkopoi interchangeably. In Acts 20:17 and 28 the apostle exhorts the Ephesian elders (presbyteroi) to shepherd (promainein) the people of God because they are overseers (episkopoi)! There is clearly no distinction of terms here, nor any suggestion of official offices. Given that 1 Peter is not written tot a local body, but to a wide area likely covering a territory that would surpass a single bishop there is no reason to assume the later meaning is applied to the term here.

      Coming finally to the epistle's dependence on deutero-Pauline literature. First, it must be recognized that this claim assumes the pseudonymity of those letters, which is not a certainty. Second, the argument has been adjusted simply to 1 Peter's dependency on Paul the apostle as well. Even to assume this dependency would be to suggest a pseudonymous author from a Pauline school rather than a Petrine one, but this creates the added question of why this letter would not then be attributed to Paul instead of Peter? Some have sought to avoid this difficulty by explaining the dependence as an amalgamation of of Petrine and Pauline traditions in which “much Pauline tradition is now set forth under the name of Peter”, the assumed primary apostle of Rome.9 This view struggles some, first in its assumption that Peter was in a position of hegemony in the early church beyond that of other apostles, and second this must be assumed to have consistently developed within twenty years of his death.


      Notwithstanding these objections, Peter makes no reference to Paul or his letters in this epistle, and similarities that do exist are of terms and themes that could be less reliant on Paul and more understandably based upon a common faith and Christian tradition. The connection between the two apostles is strained. Too strained even to be a reliable objection to traditional authorship.

Secondary Support for Traditional Authorship


      A final note on pseudonymity must be mentioned. While the prevalence of pseudepigraphy has already been discussed, such writings were largely connected to certain genres. Primarily wisdom literature (Wisdom of Solomon) and apocalyptic (1 Enoch). 1 Peter is neither of these and the acceptance of pseudonymous letters as a genre is contestable. To argue that the book is pseudonymous while retaining a direct link to apostolic authority (as is often claimed) is unverifiable when the link can only be inferred, and merely consists of an attempt to remain skeptical while retaining some sense of authority.
However, even a motive of honoring the apostle by way of pseudonymity finds no support in the first century. In fact, it is quite the opposite. The spurious letter of 3 Corinthians, attributed to Paul, enjoyed acceptance until it was recognized as being non-Pauline. When a presbyter of Asia Minor was discovered as its author, he was not congratulated but censured and removed from church office.


      Lastly, the epistle of 1 Peter contains several allusions to the teachings of Jesus. While the value of these allusions in determining authorship is debated, the list ranges from thirty to at least fifteen. These verba Christi, as they are known, parallel teachings found in all four Gospels, but do not quote the Gospels which does not indicate a literary dependence but one of experience. On this topic, Gundry writes, “The most striking feature about the verba Christi in 1 Peter, however, is that they refer to contexts in the gospels which are especially associated with the apostle Peter.”10

Conclusion

      While more could be said regarding the geography of the intended recipients of this epistle, and even the theology within its text, sufficient is the discussion at this stage to close. As has been seen in may of the earlier articles, source-criticism has always sought to understand New Testament literature from a vantage point of skepticism. While this is not necessarily inappropriate, the result, as we see here, is too often one in which the critic will maintain skepticism even in light of insufferable difficulties. It is not a position of integrity to assert a skeptical position solely on the basis of group think or an unwillingness to admit previous error. The evidence must always lead those investigating to a conclusion, wherever it may lead. In the case of New Testament authorship, what we often see is a magnifying of contrary evidence against authorship and a diminishing of evidence for. However, when the data is objectively analyzed the traditional authorship rises above accusations as the more likely at best or inconclusive at worst.

1J.K. Elliott, Essays and Studies in the New Testament Textual Criticism, (Cordoba: Ediciones el Amendro, 1992), 127-30.

2Elliott, ESNTTC, 120.

3Karen H. Jobes, Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament: 1 Peter, (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005), 7.

4Jobes, 1 Peter, 7.

5Pliny the Younger, Letters, 10.96.6.

6Seneca, On Providence, 5.10.

71 Thess.1:6; 2:14-16; 3:3-5; Matt. 10:16-20; Gal. 4:29.

8L. Goppelt, A Commentary on 1 Peter, trans. J.E. Alsup, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), 39-45.

9M.E. Boring, Abingdon New Testament Commentary Series: 1 Peter, (Nashville: Abingdon, 1999), 43.

10R. H. Gundry, “Verba Christi in 1 Peter: Their Implications Concerning the Authorship of 1 Peter and the Authenticity of the Gospel Tradition,” New Testament Studies, 13 (1966-67), 349.

Saturday, July 30, 2016

Who wrote the Books of . . . 1 and 2 Thessalonians?




Who wrote the Books of . . . 1 and 2 Thessalonians?
Posted by Clark Bates
July 30, 2016


      Paul's missionary journey to Thessalonica was a volatile one, but resulted in two epistles that have become foundational to the church overall and in varying degrees to particular denominations. Continuing with our series regarding New Testament authorship, we push forward with the contested letters of Paul. While 1 Thessalonians is widely accepted as authentically Pauline, 2 Thessalonians is not. However, the connection between these letters is such that it would be detrimental to not write of both together. In recent years, contemporary skeptical scholarship has all but dismissed the possibility of Pauline authorship in these letters and it is because of this that we now turn our attention to them.



Against Pauline Authorship



      Paul visited the city on his second missionary journey, as recorded in the book of Acts (17:1-9). It was a tumultuous stay for three Sabbaths, resulting in a riot, created by Jews within the city. Because of this, Paul and Silas were sent out of the city. Luke's account of Paul's time in Thessalonica, it is suggested, differs dramatically from the references to the visit found in the epistles. If, as Luke recounts, Jews were among the converts during his time, it would be unlikely for Paul to refer to them as having “turned to God from idols” (1 Thess.1:9).



      What's more, Luke suggests that Paul's visit was merely three to four weeks (three Sabbaths), yet the epistles speak of activities that surely would have taken longer. For instance, Paul claims to have worked long enough to set an example (1 Thess. 2:9) and praises the Philippians for sending him money twice while he was in Thessalonica (Phil.4:15-16).



Beyond this opposition there are three matters that must be addressed regarding the authorship of 1 and 2 Thessalonians:


  1. The Co-Authorship of the Letters
  2. The Alleged Interpolations in 1 Thessalonians
  3. The Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians



Co-Authorship



      Both letters name Paul, Silas, and Timothy as the authors of the letters, yet they are traditionally ascribed strictly to Paul. Many scholars argue that this is not accurate, nor is it fair. The dominant use of the first-person plural within the writing of the epistles, even in the thanksgiving section stands out among the rest of the Pauline corpus, including those letters that name someone else in the salutation (1 Corinthians, Philippians, and Philemon).1 In antiquity, it was rare to include multiple people within a salutation and the use of the plural “we” would likely have been understood as referring to authorship.



Interpolations of 1 Thessalonians



      The authenticity of 1 Thessalonians is not questioned by many scholars today. It exists as one of the seven letters ascribed to Paul in the critical canon Pauline writings. However, critical scholars do argue for the addition of non-Pauline material into the letter known as interpolations. Some suggested sections of interpolation are 2:1-10 and 5:1-11, but most support for this view surrounds 2:13-16.



      The use of the phrase “wrath of God” coming upon the Jews, it is argued, must refer to the destruction of the temple in AD70. Therefore, this section could not have been included in the original text which is dated within the mid-50s. What's more, the section reflects a very negative view of the Jew's hope for final salvation which is in direct conflict with Romans 11:26. It is reasonable to assume, then, that this section is especially non-pauline.



Against the Pauline Authorship of 2 Thessalonians



      Skepticism regarding the Pauline authorship of this second epistle began in the 19th century with F.C. Bauer, but much of the modern force against traditional authorship is indebted to the writings of Charles Mason in 1957 and Wolfgang Trilling in 1972. While the usual critical arguments have been employed regarding vocabulary and style as theology have been employed these have not survived into much of the contemporary debate. The two main points of debate regarding the letter in modern scholarship are rather paradoxical. It is argued that 2 Thessalonians is too similar to 1 Thessalonians to have been written by Paul and 2 Thessalonians is too unlike 1 Thessalonians to be written by Paul.



      The thrust behind the “similarities” argument is that no author would duplicate material from one letter to another so soon after to the same audience. Both letters share commonalities in salutation, verbal application and structural configuration. It is said that every paragraph in 1 Thessalonians has a counterpart in 2 Thessalonians.2 Both letters feature the unusual double thanksgiving (1 Thess. 1:2 and 2:13; 2 Thess. 1:3 and 2:13) and a transitional benediction (1 Thess. 3:11 – 13; 2 Thess. 2:16-17). These similarities lead many scholars to conclude that whoever wrote the epistle clearly utilized 1 Thessalonians as their template.



     
      The striking differences between the letters are also pointed out by much of critical academia, centered largely around the eschatology of the two epistles. It is suggested that Paul displays a sense of imminence in 1 Thessalonians which is very typical of the early church. He has an expectation of being alive for the second coming (4:17) and cautions his readers against trying to calculate the times and dates (5:1-4). However, in 2 Thessalonians warns against thinking that the second coming is imminent. He even states that the rebellion and introduction of the “man of lawlessness” must precede the second coming (2:1-4). If 1 Thessalonians is Pauline and reflects his actual eschatology, it must be that 2 Thessalonians is not.



In Favor of Pauline Authorship



      It should be noted that Luke's account of Paul's time in Thessalonica makes reference to “God-fearers” as well as Jews becoming converts to the gospel. God-feareres were Gentiles that worshiped the Hebrew God and would still be, in Jewish eyes, Gentiles. Because of this, embracing the one true God found through Jesus Christ would be to “turn from idols to the true God.”3



      Regarding the length of Paul's sojourn in the city, Luke is actually rather vague. The Acts narrative states that Paul and Silas preached for three Sabbaths and that some time after that certain Jews instigated a riot. There is no clear direction of time, therefore a stay of several months cannot be ruled out. Even with this possibility, however, it is not as unreasonable as critics might suggest that Paul could have accomplished the activity detailed in the Thessalonian epistles over the period of one month.4



Co-Authorship



      While it is true that the use of first person plurals dominate the epistles, that does not mean the author(s) only uses plurals. In fact, there are several instances of first person singular references in both letters (1 Thess. 2.:18; 3:5; 5:27; 2 Thess. 2:5; 3:17). If the letters had been genuinely co-authored, this would be rather unusual. The use of a first person plural can be seen as a literary device, but it is also possible that Paul makes mention of Silas and Timothy so prevalently precisely because they were closely associated with the church at Thessalonica. Even if it is accepted that the letter is co-authored, Paul would be the primary author and voice of the writing, and thus the ascription of 1 and 2 Thessalonians to the apostle is not unjustified.



Interpolation of 1 Thessalonians



      While it shouldn't be minimized that this passage contains harsh overtones toward the Jewish people and its potential conflict with Romans 11, there exists no textual evidence that this passage was ever absent from the epistle. What's more, the suggestion that early Christians would have been able to merely insert new sections into widely distributed Pauline letters without difficulty or trace runs into insurmountable logistic difficulties.5 What's more, the verses themselves are not out of context. Paul's commendation of the Thessalonian's reception of the Word of God and encouragement regarding their persecution fit the theme of 2:1-12 nicely. The use of “God's wrath” against the Jews is a sentiment found in other areas of the New Testament related to the widespread Jewish rejection of the Messiah (Matt. 23:32; Acts 7:51-53) and brings to close the sin of Israel and her refusal to listen to God.



In Favor of Pauline Authorship of 2 Thessalonians

      The letter claims to be written by Paul, Silas, and Timothy, and is even attested by Paul to be in his own writing (3:17). No responsible early church authority questioned Paul's authorship of 2 Thessalonians.1 It is included within the Muratorian Canon as well as the Marcion Canon and known by the early church fathers, Polycarp, Ignatius, Justin and Irenaeus.

      Despite the conventional arguments against Pauline authorship attributed to similarities and dissimilarities, many scholars, not all evangelical, still maintain traditional authorship. The verbal parallels should be acknowledged, but much of the similarities are overblown. The passages in question largely circulate in the opening and closing portions of the letters where you might expect a repetitious formulation. The differences in the letter, especially regarding the body of 2 Thessalonians betray any suspicion of reliance on 1 Thessalonians by a pseudonymous author.

      The main point regarding the dissimilarities between the epistles is theological. This argument is considered all but certain by critical scholars but hinges upon the preconceived notion that the apostle could not have held these two eschatological positions simultaneously. As a point of fact, many Jewish apocalypses contain the same mixture of imminence and warning signs that we see in 1 and 2 Thessalonians. Even more to the point, the same mixture is found within the gospels. One need only consider Matt. 24:33 with Matt. 24:44b for an example. Like so many circumstances in the dual letters of Paul, the difference in content (eschatological included) rests on the different pastoral needs for each writing.
      Critics often overemphasize the teaching of “immediacy” within the early church while also downplaying the importance of imminence in later Christian writings. The eschatology of 2 Thessalonians seems to be dependent on the book of Daniel causing some to consider that the eschatology of each letter are not in conflict but rather two stages of the same crisis.2 If this consideration is correct, there ceases to be any difficulty. While most critical scholars posit a pseudonymous author for 2 Thessalonians, the same difficulties that plague this suggestion regarding other Pauline epistles plague this one as well.

Conclusion

      While it can be agreed that there is a potential of co-authorship within the letters, the existence of Paul the apostle as the primary author for both remains the more reasonable position. The argument from tradition, the ratification of verbal and structural similarities and eschatological dissimilarities, and the insurmountable difficulties with the suggestion of pseudonymity should lead readers to find assurance in Pauline authorship. These letters are written by an apostle with a sincere pastoral desire toward his church, seeking to commend them, encourage them, and calm them in times of distress and persecution. They are yet another intimate window into the heart the “least of the apostles.”


1F.F. Bruce, 1 & 2 Thessalonians, WBC, (Waco: Word, 1982), xxxii – xxxiii.

2Consider, 1 Thess. 1:1a v. 2 Thess. 1:1a; 1 Thess. 1:3 v. 2 Thess.1:11; 1 Thess. 1:3 v. 2 Thess. 1:3-4; 1 Thess. 1:4 v. 2 Thess. 2:13 among others.

3Rainer, Reisner, Paul's Early Period: Chronology, Mission Strategy, Theology, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998), 348-49.

4It is argued by several that only one of the gifts sent by the church at Philippi was actually sent to Paul in Thessalonica. Peter T. O'Brien, The Epistle to the Philippians: A Commentary on the Greek Text, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 535-36; Leon Morris, The First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 3-4.

5Charles Wannamaker, The Epistles to the Thessalonians, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 30-33.

6D. A. Carson and Douglas J. Moo, An Introduction to the New Testament: 1 and 2 Thessalonians, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2005), 536.

7Colin R. Nicholl, From Hope to Despair in Thessalonica: Situating 1 and 2 Thessalonians, SNTSMS 126, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). The basic argument is that the second coming has filled the church with fear rather than joy, resulting in words of encouragement at first, followed by words of solace in the second as an effort to counter false teaching that the second coming has already passed.

Saturday, July 23, 2016

Book Review: With My Eyes Wide Open by Brian "Head" Welch


Book Review: With My Eyes Wide Open by Brian Welch

posted by Clark Bates
July 23, 2016

Brian “Head” Welch, With My Eyes Wide Open: Miracles & Mistakes on my Way Back to Korn, Nashville: Nelson Books, 2016.



      Contemporary biographies of pop culture icons are not normally my preferred reading. I must admit, that my sole reason for selecting this book, was that I grew up listening to the author's original band Korn. Brian Welch and I are close to the same age and I was on the ground floor of Korn's meteoric rise to stardom. They were a very original band for the time with a sound that, to that point, had never been heard before. My interest in the band diminished over the years and ultimately disappeared as I came to know the Lord and sought to surround myself with those things that lifted up the name of Christ.



      Needless to say, after hearing of the author's conversion to Christ some years ago I remained skeptical but hopeful. As the years have progressed, his faith has remained central in his public life and I commend him for that; especially in the culture of heavy metal music. Having not read his initial book I am only marginally familiar with his conversion story, but much of that experience highlights the narrative of this recent work, in which the author takes readers through an open and honest reflection on the years following his conversion and attempts to rejoin the music industry while caring for his ever-growing daughter.



      Brian's story stands out in its honesty. Many authors, especially Christian ones, would balk at the thought of recounting tales of failure and doubt, let alone the author's confessions of depression and fear that held him captive. The book's openness can at time be refreshing, while at others infuriating. The reader often finds themselves wondering why the author continues to make the same mistakes, regardless of his willingness to admit his naivete and spiritual immaturity. The single father's narrative of struggle with a daughter turned young woman resonates with all parents, especially those who have lost their children to the world in various manners, but the life changing work of Christ through both of their lives offers a much needed glimmer of hope a the close of an otherwise very dark and somber tale.



      What's good about the book is its obvious desire to serve as a cautionary tale in tandem with an inspirational anecdote. Brian writes as one who has nothing to hide and desperately hopes that, in his own self-deprecating manner, his repeated missteps will serve as a guide for those following him. Even though his life in the music industry is not relatable to many at the ground level, the book transcends this as many of the author's circumstances are nothing more than those of any parent seeking the best way to provide for their child and honor God simultaneously. The loss of his daughter to depression, cutting, drugs and the like is one too familiar to many parents, which is why the redemption of this father-daughter relationship by Christ at the close of the book feels so satisfying. Possibly the strongest section of the entire writing is the epilogue in which Brian and his daughter write personal letters to the reader. It is within this letter that the author reveals the evangelist which he has become known for. They are an earnest and heartfelt explanation of the gospel of Jesus Christ and the need for all who read this book to receive it.



      What's less than good about this book is the theological undercurrent that permeates the pages. While a certain level of leniency is necessary given the author's admittedly new faith, one can't help but wonder how much time the author spends in sincere devotion with God. The book itself contains little-to-no references to Scripture and only speaks of the author's prayer life when he is facing financial difficulty of his own design. This could be intentional, perhaps to aid the book in reaching a wider audience that may be reticent to read a book full of bible passages, but it leaves the reader with an uneasy sense that Brian's faith is based primarily on experience. 
 

      The language of the narrative, as it relates to divine matters, belies a certain charismatic motif. While I am not aware of what denomination the author may hold or where he might worship, his mannerisms and dialogue do tend to indicate a denomination less interested in biblical study than blind faith and experience. While this is not meant to detract from the sense of purity in Brian's spirituality, one has to ask that if the author were sincerely involved in daily study would he have still erred in so many ways that would be perhaps more obvious to a seasoned believer? In like manner, the only mention of prayer being when the author is in distress reveals an all-too-common theme within young Christianity. The central key to an awareness of the mind of God is through prayer, thus when believers speak of praying solely when concerned about present circumstances it often reveals more about why they are in said circumstances than it does about their faith.



      The book itself reads very easily. The language is not refined prose, nor should it be expected to be, but what stands out most is the stark contrast between the narrative of the text and that of the epilogue. As was mentioned above, the personal letter form the author to his readers in the epilogue powerfully presents the gospel (with scripture) in an unapologetic and sympathetic manner. So different is the wording of the epilogue to that of the body of the text, it leaves the reader wishing the author had written more of this throughout the book.



      At its end the book succeeds in its purpose of sharing the difficulties of life while giving glory to the Lord. Where the author may benefit from more purposeful study of God's Word is balanced with his willingness to speak of Christ openly. There is little reason to doubt the author's sincerity as his life exemplifies that of an evangelist tot he lost youth in his musical climate. One prays that as Brian and his daughter continue to grow and age and faith they only grow closer together and to Christ, ever faithfully preaching and testifying to His supremacy. While I no longer find Brian's particular music styling of interest I am encouraged by his life and pray he runs faithfully to the end.




Clark Bates is a graduate of Liberty Baptist Theological Seminary and manages an apologetics and theology blog at http://www.exejesushermeneutics.blogspot.com.

 
I received this book free from W Publishing Group and Thomas Nelson Publishers as part of their BookLookBloggers.com book review bloggers program. I was not required to write a positive review. The opinions I have expressed are my own. I am disclosing this in accordance with the Federal Trade Commission’s 16 CFR, Part 255: “Guides Concerning the Use of Endorsements and Testimonials in Advertising.”

Tuesday, July 12, 2016

Monday, July 11, 2016

Who Wrote the . . . Pastoral Epistles?



Who Wrote the . . . Pastoral Epistles?
posted by Clark Bates 
July 11, 2016
      The Pastoral Epistles (hereafter known as Pastorals) of 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy and Titus, are possibly some of the most challenged works within the Pauline corpus. A large number of scholars find the discrepancies in text, setting and style to be insurmountable for traditional authorship and thus suggest that the Pastorals should be seen as the work of a pseudonymous author in the second century. Others examine the same evidence and find it lacking, or even supporting of the traditional Pauline view. In keeping with the series on New Testament authorship what follows is a brief overview of both positions followed by my own personal conclusion on the matter:



Arguments Against Pauline Authorship:



      As it relates to textual problems within the Pastorals, most modern scholarship has sought to build upon the writings of P.N. Harrison. According to Harrison, “The three Pastorals make use of 902 words, of which 54 are proper names. Of the remaining 848 words, 306 do not occur in the other ten Pauline letters. Of these 306, at least 175 occur nowhere else in the New Testament. . . this leaves 542 words shared by the Pauline letters and the Pastorals. . . no more than 50 are characteristic Pauline words in the sense that they are not used by other writers in the New Testament.”1



      The existence of such a large amount of foreign word structure is certainly reason to pause. When one examines the writings of the uncontested letters of Paul, a certain symmetry exists within them. Common openings and closings are contained in most, as is the repetitious use of certain theological phrases and terms. The marked lacking of these, combined with the addition of terms never before seen in Paul's work certainly suggests another author. Commenting on this stylistic differences, Becker writes, “One notes also that the dramatic vivacity of Pauline argumentation, with its emotional, outbursts, its dialogue form of thought, its introduction of real or imaginary opponents and objections, and the use of metaphor and image, is replaced by a certain heaviness and repetitious style.”2



      In addition to the textual difficulties is the question of “when?”. Historical problems arise within the Pastorals directly because nothing that is mentioned within them can be found in the rest of the New Testament account of Paul's missionary journeys. As it has been noted, “It is difficult to fit the situations envisaged in the Pastorals into what we learn of the life of Paul from Acts and the Pauline letters.” These discrepancies are not minute. The author of these letters has manufactures allusions that would give the impression of an historical setting. For example, Paul's only known contact with Crete was his brief stop there en route to Rome as a prisoner (Acts 27:7-13), and this does not easily square with Titus 1:5, “The reason I left you in Crete. . .” We do not have any source to confirm Paul's wintering at Nicopolis (Tit. 3:12). Similarly, the personalia in the Timothy's do not easily square with what we know of Paul's ministry.3



      Given that the texts contain a large number of foreign terms, more commonly seen in the time of the apostolic fathers (2nd century) and the instances recounted within them cannot be found within the recorded account of Paul's travels, the case against traditional authorship increases. This evidence is only bolstered by the theological problems that exist. Many contend that these letters contain quite a number of Hellenistic terms for the salvation event that Paul would not have used. Phrases such as, “the appearing of our Savior Jesus Christ, who has destroyed death and has brought life and immortality to light through the gospel” (2 Tim. 1:10); “one mediator between God and human beings” (1 Tim. 2:5); “the grace of God has appeared that offers salvation to all people” (Tit. 2:11) all incorporate some Pauline terms but are used in non-Pauline ways, leading many scholars to propose a pseudonymous author mimicking Paul.



      One merely needs to consider how they might respond if someone handed them a letter from, say a pen pal, and when they opened it found that it was written in a way they'd never seen their friend write, discussing events they'd never heard of and covering topics, to this point, never before discussed between the two of you. Your immediate reaction would be that some forgery has taken place. If possible, you might try to contact this friend and verify the letter with them. This is not possible with the ancient text, but skeptics of traditional authorship that the same suspicion would, and should, be warranted.



Arguments For Pauline Authorship


     
In response to the various factors working against traditional authorship, many scholars have rallied to defend the apostle and mitigate the evidence presented by the opposition as insurmountable. As it relates to textual support, Guthrie has noted, “While it is true that most words found in the Pastorals share more in common with the writings of the apostolic fathers than with Paul, these words are also common in other writings prior to A.D. 50.”4 It cannot be argued that Paul would not have known them, nor could it be argued that Paul's total vocabulary consisted of those words contained in the ten epistles (2,177). If Paul used these words it would not be questionable that he could use 306 more (The Pastorals), drawn from the vocabulary of his day.



      In addition, it is misleading to say that 306 non-Pauline words occur in the Pastorals. 127 of these words occur in 1 Timothy alone, while 2 Timothy contains 81 and Titus 45.5 This means that the vast majority of words are found only in one epistle and the three differ from one another as well. No one suggests that there were three separate pseudepigraphers, yet, according to the earlier reasoning, this should be the case. To put it another way, if the figures show that the three Pastorals were written by one author other than Paul, they also show that the author may well have been Paul.



      While much has been said regarding the statistical data of the text it remains that the statistics themselves cannot tells us why the differences exist. They only raise more questions. Is it because of different topics, or because these epistles were written to individuals with certain challenges and not to churches with quite a different set of challenges, or because of different amaneusis?6 7 As was suggested above, these uncertainties are quantified if we posit the use of an amaneusis. Some have speculated that Paul used the historian, Luke as his amaneusis, giving him more freedom in the case of the pastorals than in the ten, while others contend that the differences are accounted for precisely because Paul did not use an amaneusis in the Pastorals as he did with ten. While each of these positions are possible, both are speculative and lack enough information to be considered as anything beyond a reasonable possibility. Undoubtedly there are differences. The question is how to account for them. One wonders if the difference between the Pastorals and the ten Pauline letters is greater than the difference that might legitimately be expected between private letters to trusted fellow workers and public letters to churches, letters usually addressing specific difficulties.8



       Something not regularly addressed by those favoring pseudonymity is the genre of the individual Pastorals. The genres of 1 Timothy and Titus are commonly accepted as “mandate letters” while 2 Timothy is seen as the genre of “testament”. Both of these genres would be well known to the apostle but less so to someone writing in the second century. The mandate letter, in particular, lends considerable support to Pauline authorship, as Johnson notes, “When the letter was read to the people to whom the delegate was sent, the will of the chief administrator would be clear, and the standards expected of the delegate would simultaneously encourage the delegate to faithfulness and provide some written security for the readers against whimsical authority usurped by the delegate. . .”9

 The reality is that we know fairly little of what Paul did during those years, and there are huge gaps when other events could be squeezed in.




      The difficulty with placing Paul in the locations and circumstances noted in the Pastorals I clearly a matte that requires address, and, as should be expected, there is no shortage of response. In way of historical support for the Pastorals, it's often disclosed that the epistle 1 Clement offers credence to the writing of the Pastorals within Paul's lifetime. In 1 Clement 5:7 it is reported that Paul journeyed “to the outer limits of the West.” Within the Roman Empire this would commonly be received as Spain, despite the protests of skeptics. If this is the case, what Clement records could only have taken place after Acts 28.



      The reality is that we know fairly little of what Paul did during those years, and there are huge gaps when other events could be squeezed in. When did Paul undergo the frequent imprisonments, five beatings, three shipwrecks and other sufferings mentioned in 2 Cor. 11:23-27? Acts 20:31 records that Paul spent three years in Ephesus but records none of Paul's trips during those years, even though we read in 2 Cor. 1:23-2:1 that Paul visited Corinth at that time. What other journeys might he have taken?

      One proposal is that Paul endured two separate Roman imprisonments, only one of which is recorded in Scripture. There is nothing improbable with believing that Paul could have been released after his meeting with Caesar at the close of Acts, and what's more, numerous patristic sources stipulate that Paul was released from his imprisonment in Rome and ministered once again in the East.10 You may say that it is difficult to fit the events of the Pastorals into the recorded life of Paul, but it is a far greater claim to say that it is impossible to do so.



      Finally, if the letter were written by a pseudonymous author a century later, what are we to make of the need for Paul's cloak and scrolls (2 Tim. 4:13); his leaving Timothy in Ephesus when he went to Macedonia (1 Tim. 1:3); his hope to see Timothy soon (1 Tim. 3:14-15); his saying that Onesiphorus searched and found him in Rome (2 Tim. 1:16-17); or his instruction to Titus to help Zenas and Apollos (Tit. 3:13)? No convincing reason has been suggested for the manufacture of hypothetical situations of this nature. The pastorals contain nothing of the legendary accounts contained within known pseudonymous writings like the Acts of Paul in the second century. The Pastorals are more akin tot he Pauline letters than they are to the catalog of known pseudonymous documents of the early church.



      Similar arguments for theological support of Pauline authorship are leveled in the same manner as those for textual and historical support. Primarily they rest upon the uneven nature of reporting from those in opposition. Much is made of the theological phrases used in the Pastorals containing Pauline phrases used in non-Pauline ways, but it must be acknowledged that the phrases are still Pauline. Just as it is in the statistical data, the anti-Pauline emphasis is often focused on at the expense of the numerous Pauline phrases used within the Pastorals in the same manner as the uncontested letters of Paul. Terms such as Christ's coming to save sinners (1 Tim. 1:15); salvation because of divine mercy and not our works (Tit. 3:5); the importance of faith in Christ (1 Tim.3:13); of election (Tit. 1:!); and of grace (2 Tim. 1:9), among others. The theological style of the Pastorals is inconclusive. Scholars are divided regarding the implication of specific verses, seeing direct opposition to traditional authorship as well as direct support for it. Historically, each of the Pastorals was quoted by church fathers like Polycarp, Irenaeus. Trajan, Clement of Alexandria and others. Its canonicity was never questioned with the exception of the heretic Marcion and Tatian, both of which were unique in their perspectives and not indicative of the whole.



Conclusion



      As I have written before, where tradition maintains a particular author and the evidence against such authorship is weak or speculative, there is little reason to adopt another view. In the case of the Pastorals, I believe it can rightly be said that the evidence for and against authorship rests largely on speculation. It is simply the case that not enough information is known for certain. What remains is what might be seen as more likely. I believe that, given the evidence, it is more likely that the Pastoral epistles are the work of the apostle Paul somewhere near the end of his life in the mid to late 1st century. To believe otherwise creates more problems than it answers and becomes like the pulling of a loose string that unravels a sweater. Each is welcome to conduct their own study to determine where they might fall, for what has been presented is only a cursory examination of the topic.

1 P.N. Harrison, The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles, (London: Oxford University Press, 1921) 20.

2 J.C. Becker, “Pastoral Letters,” IDB, 3.670.

3 D.A. Carson and Douglas J. Moo, An introduction to the New Testament, “The Pastoral Epistles” (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2004), 561.

4 Donald Guthrie, The Pastoral Epistles and the Mind of Paul, (London: Tyndale, 1956), 9.

5Harrison, Epistles, 20.

6 George K. Barr, “Two Styles in the New Testament Epistles,” LLC, 18 (2003): 235-48.

7As a side note, an amaneusis was a term applied to someone hired by a person seeking to communicate a letter or writing but unable or unwilling to write it themselves. This was a common practice in Greco-Roman culture and one employed by the apostle Paul regularly. The level of freedom allowed to an amaneusis was largely left up to the employer. Some were given a wide range of freedom with linguistic style and interpretation while others were directed to merely record. Because of this and the unknown freedom Paul may have allowed, the use of amaneusis creates another caveat into understanding the differences in the Pastorals.

8Carson and Moo, Introduction, 561.

9 Luke Timothy Johnson, Letters to Paul's Delegates: 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus, The New Testament in Context (Valley Forge: Trinity Press International, 1996), 106-8.

10 The Muratorian Canon, Eusebius, Athanasius, Epiphanius, Jerome, Theodoret of Mopsuestia, Pelagius and Theodoret.